How the University of California math crisis was built.
An institution collects narrow, often defensible data about a real problem. The data enters a public environment that rewards alarm over precision. A policy conclusion follows that the data itself cannot support. Ideologues, elitists and opportunists jump onto the story to push their own agenda (often one of exclusion and resource hording). This is a pattern that's repeated many times throughout history.
Brigham, A Study of American Intelligence
Army testing data read as proof of racial hierarchy. Brigham later repudiated his own conclusions. Read more. . .
College Board, On Further Examination
A measured internal study of a real SAT decline, read publicly as national educational collapse. Read more. . .
A Nation at Risk
"A rising tide of mediocrity." Rhetoric outran evidence and reshaped policy for a generation. Read more. . .
No Child Left Behind
Achievement gaps documented by standardized tests became the basis for a national accountability system built on the assumption that testing could accurately measure educational quality and drive improvement. Read more. . .
How Test Optional Policies . . . Harm High Achieving Applicants
An internal Dartmouth working group looks internally at Dartmouth's application of test optional policy, finds it lacking, and claims their bad practices apply to all colleges. Read more. . .
UC's Own Fifty-Year Experiment With the SAT
UC didn't adopt the SAT once and keep it. In 1960 the university began, in its own words, "a series of experiments" with three explicit goals: improve prediction of freshman GPA, assess grade inflation, and manage enrollment growth. Fifty years, at least five major test revisions, and one Regents vote later, UC's own conclusion was that the test succeeded at exactly one of the three. It helped manage enrollment. It never meaningfully improved on GPA at predicting freshman grades, and it never closed the gap it was supposed to help diagnose.
| Period | SAT | ACT | Subject Tests | Primary Use | Why Policy Changed |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1960–1962 | Required | Not accepted | — | Experimental | Test whether the SAT improved prediction of freshman GPA, measured grade inflation, and helped manage enrollment. |
| 1962–1968 | Limited use | Not accepted | — | Eligibility support | Despite BOARS finding the SAT added "little or nothing" beyond GPA, UC retained testing while reconsidering its role amid enrollment growth. |
| 1968–1978 | Required | Accepted | — | Eligibility | Standardize admissions statewide. Tests primarily determined eligibility for out-of-state applicants and Californians with GPAs between 3.00–3.09. |
| 1979–1998 | Required | Accepted | — | Eligibility Index | Use GPA + test scores to keep UC freshman eligibility near the California Master Plan target of the top one-eighth (12.5%) of high school graduates. |
| 1999–2004 | Required | Accepted | Three required | Selection | Shift emphasis from aptitude to achievement. SAT II Subject Tests become central while Atkinson challenges the SAT I. |
| 2005–2011 | Redesigned SAT + Writing | Accepted | Two required | Selection | Evaluate the redesigned SAT while continuing comprehensive review. |
| 2012–2020 | Required | Accepted | Optional → Eliminated | Holistic Review | Testing becomes one factor among many as UC reevaluates its value. |
| 2020 | Not considered | Not considered | — | None | End the five-decade experiment with standardized admissions testing. |
Sources: John Aubrey Douglass, University of California versus the SAT: A Brief History and Contemporary Critique (CSHE.8.2020); UC Academic Senate records; California Master Plan for Higher Education; Akil Bello, "After 50 Years, The University of California Is Done With the SAT Experiment," Forbes (2021).
The Math Preparation Workgroup Report
While the MPW technically fulfilled its task, the report demonstrates the peril of siloed governance. By design, the report largely brushes past the complex policy ecosystem and treats this as a simple, isolated problem. Because it was forbidden from analyzing causes—like administrative process adjustments or changes in calculator policy—the report is forced to present a reductive view. Ingoring administrative changes and blaming student deficiencies, resulting in one solution: screen out more students.
| Year | Admissions | Testing / Placement | Course Structure | Enrollment |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2019 | SAT/ACT required | Standard placement exam | Math 2 covers grades 9–10 | Math 2 ~1–2% of class |
| 2020 | Test-blind begins | Placement testing disrupted (COVID) | Math 2 covers grades 9–10 | Baseline year cited for "thirtyfold" statement |
| 2022 | Test-blind continues | No disclosed change | Math 2 covers grades 9–10 | Math 2 grows to ~400 |
| 2023 | Test-blind continues | Fall 2023 diagnostic administered (n=138) | Math 2 redesign begins | Math 2 grows to ~500 |
| 2024 | Test-blind continues | Placement cutoffs recalibrated; calculator banned on placement exam | Math 2 redesigned> to grades 1–8; Math 3B introduced | Placement counts shift due to recalibration |
| 2025 | SAWG recommends SAT/ACT reconsideration | — | — | ~8.3% ("1 in 12") in Math 2 |
The 2024 calculator ban was undisclosed in the SAWG report; it surfaced only after Just Equations' February 2026 investigation, reported by Inside Higher Ed. Burdman estimated the ban alone may account for roughly 425 additional students per year assigned to precollege courses.
How This Was Reported
The absence is the story. What gets amplified later is not what is most accurate. It's what is most usable. A careful, internally-scoped report that explicitly declined to assign blame or recommend testing changes generated essentially no public coverage: no op-eds, no wire stories, no cable segments. The most measured document in this chain was also the quietest.
The report is released. No one picks it up.
Still no coverage.
Silence is deafening.
The Senate Admissions Working Group Report
The SAWG report built on the MPW report in all the worse ways. It turned identified correlations into causation, it turned hedged assumptions into assertions of fact. It took the average score of 138 remedial math students on a low-stakes, anonymous test, compared it to the scores five pre-teens, and drew conclusions about 137,000 UC applicants. Then, to make it worse, it used the opinions of six tutors to imply students had learning disabilities and were cheating. The best/worst parts are highlighted below.
Take the assessment yourself
This quick 30-question quiz is calibrated on California Common Core Standards and the Fall 2023 Math 2 skills assessment. Take it and see how your score compares to the reported results, including the five-student calibration scores from the report itself.
Start QuizHow This Was Reported
The SAWG report generated real coverage. Each retelling drops a qualifier the previous version kept.
Students at California University Without 8th Grade Math Skills Skyrockets
The number of UCSD first-year students below Algebra 1 math has increased nearly 30-fold in five years, with 11.8% enrolling in remedial courses, driven by pandemic learning loss and grade inflation. Read article →
UC San Diego and the Crisis of Education
They need to reverse course, ignore the screaming of DEI dead-enders, and reinstate the SAT, ACT or CLT (the new Classic Learning Test) requirement to enable sufficient quality control in admissions and ensure college classes can be taught at a college level.
A Recipe for Idiocracy
According to the report, more than 60 percent of students who took the previous version of the course couldn’t divide a fraction by two.Read article →
The Open Letter from UC STEM Faculty
The open letter takes the selective analytical work of the MPW, the correlations and conclusions of the SAWG, and rather than adding scholarship (as one would expect of STEM scholars), they lend their credentials and weight to deciding causation and demanding simplistic solutions, speaking of an access mission while promoting gatekeeping. Six months after SAWG. The hedge is gone entirely. A campus-level diagnostic and a placement statistic get framed by a vocal minority as a systemwide demand: reinstate the SAT and ACT for STEM admissions.
Who Signed the Open Letter
19.1% of UC ladder-rank-and-equivalent faculty (12,055 total, April 2026) signed the letter, 8.8% against the stricter denominator of all instructional faculty (26,268 total). Of UCSD’s own Math Preparation Workgroup, whose data helped inspire the letter, 33.3% (7 of 21 members) signed it.
Source: UC Employee Headcount, universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/uc-employee-headcount. A live, publicly checkable dashboard.
This section exists so you can check the letter’s signer base yourself rather than take "hundreds of faculty" at face value. It breaks down where signatures are concentrated by campus and rank, and lets you search the underlying list if you want to check a specific name, department, or campus. Individual names aren’t the point and aren’t shown by default, the concentration pattern is. UCSD and Berkeley aren’t just large in raw count, they saturate their own faculty at nearly double UCLA’s rate despite UCLA having the largest faculty body in the system, roughly a third of UCSD and Berkeley’s own colleagues signed, not a fringe.
Senior rank matters here specifically: full, distinguished, and emeritus faculty are, on average, further removed from direct classroom contact with first-year students than assistant professors, lecturers, and teaching faculty are. A signer pool concentrated at the senior end is disproportionately made up of people furthest from the students the letter describes.
| Campus | Signatures | % of all signers | Ladder-rank faculty | % of campus faculty |
|---|
Signature and saturation data: Hart-Hornor-Jones UC Open-Letter Signatory Explorer, hart-hornor-jones.github.io/signatory-analyzer.
How This Was Reported
Picked up by elitists, ideologues, and outlets that recast every debate in explicitly racial terms, the open letter becomes fuel for 100-year-old arguments about who deserves access to coveted spaces. What started as a policy debate loses its nuance and becomes an ideological fight. That isn't a distortion of the amplification chain. It's the chain's predictable endpoint, the place all the dropped qualifiers were always heading.
A Great University Undermines Its Mission
“Yet the declines in preparedness among University of California students are larger than the regression elsewhere, which underscores the role of the test-blind policy. California’s top public universities have essentially randomized aspects of the admissions process, admitting unprepared students while rejecting many who could thrive there.” Read article →
The SAWG report identifies multiple overlapping causes, including COVID, grade inflation, admissions changes, and testing policy. This sentence makes test-blind admissions sound like the clear cause.
STEM Professors In California Tired Of Teaching Stupid Kids For 'Equity'
Now, six years later, STEM professors awash under a human tidal wave of literal stupidity have decided to take action. (I'm not linking to this website)
The report describes serious preparation gaps. It does not describe students as stupid, nor does it blame students personally for systemic failures.
Universities Have Seller's Remorse
According to the report, more than 60 percent of students who took the previous version of the course couldn’t divide a fraction by two. (I'm not linking to this website)
The claim uses a striking placement-test item as a proxy for broad student ability, but the report’s larger finding is about readiness placement and preparation gaps, not a simple measure of intelligence or total math competence.
The Problem Was Real. The Evidence Was Thin. The Fix Is Wrong.
The reports identify a real concern: more students are being placed into remedial math. But the evidence is thinner than the crisis story suggests. Small samples, shifting placement rules, COVID disruption, calculator policy changes, grade inflation, and unequal high-school opportunity are treated as background noise instead of competing explanations. The reports do not prove that test-blind admissions caused the problem, and the proposed remedy does not match the problem. A placement problem needs placement evidence. A preparation problem needs preparation support. Reinstating a broad admissions screen does neither.
Five Places the Evidence Gets Stretched
Small samples are carrying large claims.
Five calibration students, six tutors, and 138 students already placed into the lowest remedial track are not nothing. They are also not enough to carry a systemwide admissions claim.
The measuring stick changed.
Placement rules, course structure, calculator policy, and remedial course definitions changed across the period being analyzed. When the measuring stick changes, the trend line changes too.
The crisis depends partly on where the clock starts.
Starting with 2021 makes the story look cleaner and more sudden. Looking back to the longer pre-2020 pattern complicates the causal story.
Too many causes are compressed into one explanation.
COVID disruption, high-school course access, grade inflation, admissions expansion, calculator policy, and unequal school resources all overlap. The reports mention some of these variables but do not actually isolate them.
The proposed fix screens students earlier.
If the problem is placement and preparation, the solution should be placement, bridge instruction, tutoring, co-requisite support, summer math, and better high-school-to-college alignment. SAT/ACT reinstatement is a sorting response to an instructional problem.
The reports ask broad admissions tests to answer a course-placement question.
The problem is not comparison. The problem is using broad admissions tests as the remedy for a placement and preparation problem. A department trying to place students into a course sequence needs subtopic-level evidence: functions, logarithms, trigonometry, rational expressions, identities, and fluency with the prerequisites for the next course.
| Question the reports need answered | What a real placement tool would need | What SAT/ACT provide | Why the solution fails |
|---|---|---|---|
| Is this student ready for Math 3C? | Evidence of specific prerequisite skills: functions, logs, trig, rational expressions, identities. | A broad math score across algebra, problem solving, data, geometry, and selected advanced topics. | The score may indicate general math strength, but it does not show which course-specific skills are present or missing. |
| Which support does the student need? | Subtopic-level diagnosis. | Coarse reporting categories and scaled scores. | “Good at some math” is not a placement diagnosis. |
| Would reinstating testing fix the problem? | Evidence that requiring SAT/ACT improves placement, persistence, completion, or learning. | Predictive-validity evidence tied mostly to first-year grades or broad college outcomes. | Predicting performance is not the same as proving a remedy. |
| Does this align with UC’s access mission? | A response that identifies gaps and builds support. | A screen whose scores remain patterned by income, school resources, and accumulated opportunity. | The test can reveal inequality. Using it as a gate does not repair the inequality it reveals. |
| Instrument | Primary function | What it reports | Useful for | Why it fails if overused |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| SAWG Basic Skills Assessment | Local diagnostic snapshot | Raw score and grade-band interpretation | Seeing severe gaps among already-remedial students | Not systemwide causal proof about admissions policy |
| MDTP | Diagnostic support / placement guidance | Raw performance and topic-level information | Placement, advising, and instructional planning | Not comprehensive proof of future success in a course |
| SAT Math | Broad admissions readiness / ranking signal | Scaled score and broad domains | Ranking, broad readiness, and risk signaling | Not subtopic-level diagnosis for a specific course sequence |
| ACT Math | Broad admissions readiness / ranking signal | Scaled score and broad domains | Ranking, broad readiness, and risk signaling | Not subtopic-level diagnosis for a specific course sequence |
ACT Math 24 shows the problem.
ACT Math 24 = roughly 25 correct out of 41 scored math items. A student could ace all 23 non-calculus-relevant items and need only 2 of the 18 calculus-relevant items correct. That is about 36% accuracy on the content that matters for Math 3C.
The composite makes this worse. A 30 English / 18 Math / 24 Reading profile composites to 24. A student with an 18 in math could satisfy a 24 composite threshold because English and Reading carried the average.
What the Stronger Evidence Shows
The stronger technical record does not deny the preparation problem. It shows why SAT/ACT reinstatement is too blunt a solution for the problem the reports describe.
Norm-Referenced Tests and Race-Blind Admissions
Geiser argues that once income and race are controlled for, high-school GPA outperforms SAT scores as a predictor of college outcomes. That complicates the claim that SAT/ACT reinstatement is the obvious evidence-based fix.
Read source →What If the SAT Is the Cause of Our Math Problems?
Boeckenstedt checks widely repeated Berkeley remediation claims against archived pages and timing. Some cited statistics predate UC test-blind admissions, which means they cannot prove a test-elimination effect.
Read source →Mathematics Diagnostic Testing Project
MDTP is more diagnostic than SAT/ACT, but even MDTP disclaims use as a comprehensive indicator of success in any mathematics course. That matters when reports place heavy interpretive weight on placement-test performance.
Read source →Remedial Enrollments Surged at UCSD Amid Shifting Placement Testing Conditions
Burdman shows that placement conditions changed, including calculator policy and course placement rules. That makes the clean test-blind-causation story harder to sustain.
Read source →An In-Depth Exploration of SAT Math Scores for Use in College Course Placement
College Board placement research treats SAT Math as useful risk information. Risk information is not the same as subtopic-level diagnosis or proof that reinstating admissions testing will solve course-placement problems.
Read source →What Better Reporting Found
The better reporting did not take one data point and spin a story of a failing American school system. It didn't cast blame on policies it didn't like. It didn't play the elitism game. It explored what the dataa revealed, it asked questions. It asked what produced the results, what the numbers could actually prove, and what response would help students.
What the Internet Backlash Over Remedial Math at UC San Diego Misses
Barnum asked why students got items wrong instead of simply treating the misses as proof of deficiency. That is the reporting move most of the amplification chain skipped.
Read article →San Diego Math Decline Reveals Need for Statewide Strategy
Burdman frames the issue as a need for statewide preparation strategy rather than admissions gatekeeping. The policy target shifts from excluding students to building capacity.
Read article →The Bigger Picture Beyond the UCSD Math Report
Math researchers Burdman and Rios looked beyond one campus's situation to explore the broader question of math preparation. It keeps the evidence local instead of turning it into a universal admissions-policy verdict.
Read article →Reinstate SAT? UC Faculty Pushback Gets Complicated
Burke reports named skepticism, stable UCSD STEM retention, and departments that declined to sign the open letter. That makes the story less like faculty consensus and more like a contested campaign.
Read article →The answer is not pretending the gap is fake. It is building the support the gap requires.
If SAWG and the open letter had stayed inside UC’s access mission, the demand would not have been exclusion by test score. It would have been statewide preparation, transparent placement, bridge courses, co-requisite support, tutoring, summer math, and better high-school-to-college alignment. Those solutions already exist. The next section shows them.
See the alternatives →What actually works
None of these institutions reinstated a test to solve a comparable readiness problem, and for good reason: the construct has changed underneath it, the item pool is noise-dominated, and its scores carry a documented socioeconomic gradient. Each redesigned the course, the support structure, or the placement process instead, not the gatekeeper, and each has real outcome data to show for it.
Four models, already working
Different mechanisms, same result: closing the readiness gap without adding a gatekeeper.
One-year gateway math completion: old placement testing system vs. new guided self-placement / corequisite model. Equity gaps for Black and Hispanic students narrowed.
sunyorange.edu →One-term transfer-level math completion, before vs. after eliminating standardized placement testing across California community colleges (2017).
rpgroup.org →"Calculus with Support" (corequisite, no separate prep sequence) pass rate vs. 30% completion for same-prep-level students via the traditional precalculus route. A 2024 state validation review had found that traditional route did not meet AB 1705 standards.
collegecampaign.org →3-year graduation rate, ASAP participants vs. matched comparison, RCT-verified by MDRC. A different lever than the other three: comprehensive advising and financial support, not placement reform. Same result, closing outcome gaps without more testing.
mdrc.org →"It's high-expectations plus structured peer support. The SAT would have screened [that student] out. It would have been wrong."
— Uri Treisman